The door is opened to double militancy and is committed to a “friendly” organization that is also consolidated at the territorial level
Sumar will cede to other political parties involved in its project 30% of the representation of its Coordination Group, the main management body, who will have autonomy to designate those representatives while the rest of this body will be Sumar’s share and elected in the assembly by the ‘members’ of the formation, those registered with the greatest commitment to the development of the project.
He also explains that Sumar’s electoral representation will be decided by primaries, a formula that is contemplated for other strategic decisions, convinced that in its deployment as a formation “the principle of one person, one vote” prevails. Of course, the ratification of these lists will fall to the formation’s assembly.
This is clear from the organizational document published by the party ahead of its first assembly, scheduled for March 23, which also outlines the possibility of double militancy within Sumar, outlines its territorial deployment for this year and establishes a federal and plurinational model. .
With the publication of the documents for its congressional process, a calendar is also established, which sets the presentation of candidacies to the main governing body from February 19 to March 3, and the online voting for them from March 13 to 20.
The presentation describes that it will be the aforementioned Coordination Group that will subsequently elect the leadership of Sumar, the general coordination, among its members voted by its bases and also the composition of the Executive, which will again have a hybrid composition with the presence of positions of other parties.
The text, coordinated by deputy Lander Martínez and economist Paula Moreno (both from the provisional leadership of Sumar), establishes that these organic bases will be in force until the celebration of a new “constituent” assembly set for autumn 2024, where it is aspired to definitively have the regulatory framework of Sumar.
In this way, the organizational presentation defines that the Coordinating Group will be composed of up to a maximum of 110 members, of which 76 will be Sumar’s quota and another 33 for the progressive parties that cooperate with Sumar. And specifically, the appointment of four members of Sumar selected by lottery for deliberative sessions is contemplated, with voice but without vote. Furthermore, it is established that in all cases there will be parity between men and women.
Just yesterday the leader of Sumar, Yolanda Díaz, emphasized yesterday that her formation is not a traditional party but rather seeks a flexible model, which combines the strength of the citizen movement with the “experience and baggage” of the parties with which they share a progressive horizon. from the country.
IU, ‘COMUNES’, MORE MADRID AND EQUO, PARTIES INVOLVED IN ADDING
In this way, Sumar describes the organizations involved in its development to IU, Cataluña en Común (the commons), Más Madrid, Verdes Equo, Contigo Navarra (regional confluence where Podemos is present) and the Andalusian People’s Initiative. Currently, the first four formations appear in the provisional executive of the project championed by Díaz.
Therefore, forces that make up the electoral coalition such as Compromís, Chunta Aragonesista, Més per Mallorca, Drago Canarias and Alianza Verde do not appear. For these cases, Sumar seeks to strengthen collaboration beyond the mere electoral alliance. And in the case of regional formations, their roots and autonomous presence are recognized.
DUAL MILITANCE OPTION
In the case of the parties committed to the organic construction of Sumar, the door is opened to dual affiliation by establishing “acceptance of the participation of militants in Sumar on full equal terms.”
“Sumar cannot be reduced to the concept of a traditional political party and, at the same time, it goes beyond a classic coalition of parties,” the document emphasizes.
The presentation proclaims that the assembly is the main decision-making body of Sumar and, in addition to electing the main management body, it has the power to ratify lists at the state and European level (elected in primaries) and validate electoral agreements, among others.
It also describes that the leadership, Executive Group, will be composed of a maximum of 25 members, proposed by the general coordination and elected by the Coordination Group, where representation is also reserved for the other parties (maximum two representatives for each party). .
MILITANT BASE AND OPENING TO PEOPLE NOT ATTACHED TO PARTIES
On the other hand, Sumar claims its vocation to bring together a multitude of progressive sectors with “additional” forms of political participation designed to welcome people without party affiliation.
Thus, it details several levels where those registered are, who participate in debates and meetings in addition to making proposals, and then there are the ‘members’ of Sumar, registered similar to the militants who also accept the training’s Code of Ethics, pay a periodic fee and they can apply for positions in the party. And this group is what makes up the assembly.
Meanwhile, the organizational document also consolidates Sumar’s sectoral groups, with the presence of experts and members of civil society who prepare the ideological proposals for the country project, in addition to entrusting the “consolidation and extension” of Sumar at the territorial level.
Specifically, and for the “orderly growth” of Sumar in the different regions, and in accordance with a federal model, Territorial Groups are established that also grant 30% representation to other parties.
In his presentation, Sumar aspires to create a new political culture with “friendly” spaces for participation, especially thinking about attracting people not linked to the parties to grow the space on the left of the PSOE.
THE GOAL: TO CONSOLIDATE AND BE A “KIND” FORCE
With this initial “organic architecture”, the project championed by Díaz seeks to “consolidate” after the first electoral phase of 23J, aware of this precisely, it has been one of the handicaps in the new formations. To achieve this, he opts for a “decentralized” structure as opposed to “vertical” models.
“Sumar aspires not only to an electoral recombination of the parties that already made up this space. The objective is to articulate a broad, plural and deep-rooted popular movement.” “There are many examples in recent years of organizations that enjoy a brilliant initial deployment but that, with the passage of time, are unable to take root in the territories,” the text elaborates.
It also claims plurality and choralism as the axis of the project, avoiding “unifying” formulas that reduce “complexity to uniformity.” “A new secular political culture of itself, which builds palaces of the people and not cathedrals of ourselves,” concludes Sumar’s presentation.
