This space was reduced to a minimum when it had 11 deputies and won general elections in Euskadi.
Sumar has managed to save the furniture by the minimum by obtaining a seat in the Basque elections and prevails in its particular fight against Podemos, which suffers another disaster by disappearing from another autonomous parliament in a community where it became the leading political force in the elections general of 2015 and 2016.
However, the division of both, after the rupture at the national level, takes its toll on the state alternative left with a very poor balance, given that Sumar has obtained 3.34% of the votes (35,092 votes) in these elections with 100 % counted and Podemos has remained at 2.25% (23,679 ballots). Therefore, of the six deputies who had the purple mark, only one remains in the hands of Sumar.
Thus, if they had attended together and counting their respective results, the two formations would have amounted to 5.6% and confirms that electoral fragmentation harms them: Sumar does not enter with force at the autonomous level, it does not revitalize this space by itself and Podemos alone it cannot stop its territorial bleeding.
Sumar, which had electoral emergencies after remaining as an extra-parliamentary force last February in Galicia and after its first state assembly, achieved in coalition with IU and Equo a single deputy in Álava after obtaining 5,603 votes in this constituency, 3.69% of the total issued.
This record will be held by the general secretary of the PCE in the community, Jon Hernández, who appeared on the list for the IU quota and, consequently, does not come from Sumar. Thus, the party’s candidate for lehendakari, Alba García, is left out of the regional Parliament.
Precisely, Sumar and Podemos were fighting to obtain seats in Álava, given that their respective leaderships were aware that it was easier to achieve this in this province, given Euskadi’s own electoral system that distributes seats by province without taking into account the volume of population.
In the case of Podemos, it suffers another setback and fails to resist in the two electoral events of the year after the fracture with Sumar, with a poor result given that the Elkarrekin Podemos confluence (along with IU and Equo then) had six deputies in 2020 .
In this way, the purple party reduces its rearmament strategy with a view to the European elections next June, its main bet for the current electoral cycle given that it will not run in the elections in Catalonia. And it adds to the blow it suffered in Galicia, where it was surpassed by PACMA after obtaining only 0.26% of the votes.
BILDU CONTINUES EATING GROUND
However, in terms of representation, the state left outside the PSOE is reduced to a minimum, given the strength of Bildu, which continues to gain support at its expense, and remains at the levels that IU achieved in 2009, when it also achieved a deputy. .
Very far from the milestone that was the emergence of Podemos and which in 2016 achieved, in coalition with IU and Equo, eleven seats, a figure never reached by this political space that after four years saw its record representation fall to half just when the purples began to show signs of their electoral decline.
Furthermore, the purple formation became hegemonic in the 2015 general elections, where it first obtained 26% of the votes and five seats, a margin that even improved in 2016, already in alliance with IU, by achieving 29.05% of the votes and six deputies. However, in 2019 Unidas Podemos already fell to 15.5% (three deputies) and in the general elections of 23J, already with Sumar’s brand, the alternative left remained at 11.1% and only one seat for Vizcaya.
SUMAR GETS AIR AFTER THE TENSIONS WITH ITS ALLIES
At the political level, Sumar allows it to begin to have an institutional presence at the territorial level and the minimum forecasts that its management had were met, as they pointed out that the lowest electoral range in Euskadi, of 3% to obtain a seat, would allow the message of the vote to be stopped. useful around Bildu and that the progressive vote was distributed among several candidates.
Thus, he intended to begin to make his presence in the Government profitable, despite the handicap of attending this appointment with the extension of the General State Budgets that prevented him from attending the campaign championing more social achievements.
Also the figure of Díaz, who had a discreet presence in the electoral campaign with three acts, is safeguarded by avoiding Sumar an electoral coup in contrast to Galicia, where he committed himself but was not able to raise the regional candidacy.
It also means, although the result in Euskadi is fair, that its brand begins to timidly begin to fuel in regional electoral terms, without the help of a regional party and despite the friction with its allied formations due to the organic construction of Díaz’s project and its deployment. territorial.
However, it is very far from the essential objective of the new party sponsored by Díaz, which consists of revitalizing the left again beyond the PSOE and getting closer to the electoral push that the purples once had.
In this way, after celebrating its first organic milestone on March 23 with its first congressional meeting, which served to elect 70% of the leadership and where Díaz’s list clearly prevailed, it will face the election of its state executive this Saturday. avoiding the electoral blow in Euskadi that would mean being left without a presence in this community.
And the Sumar leadership was aware that the events in Euskadi and Galicia were complex and did not come at a good time, although they trust that the roots of the ‘commons’ in Catalonia will manage to change the panorama and they even aspire to grow in that electoral test.
WE CAN CONTINUE WITH ITS SINKING IN THE AUTONOMICS
For example, the final stretch of the campaign was turbulent after the tensions generated by the negotiation with the parties for the list for the European elections, reaching agreements with ‘comunes’, Compromís and Más Madrid, waiting to know shortly if IU decides also participate in his candidacy.
Regarding Podemos, these elections do not change the trend of collapse that marked the regional elections of 28M last year, where it became an extra-parliamentary force in Madrid, the Valencian Community and the Canary Islands, a condition that it already had in the case of Cantabria, Castilla-La Mancha and confirmed again in Galicia and Euskadi.
And in the case of Asturias, the strong internal crisis meant the departure of its only deputy, Covadonga Tomé, from the party, nor will it happen in Catalonia, where he decided not to run as the alliance with the ‘commons’ was not repeated. Meanwhile, in La Rioja she ran in coalition with IU although the only record that garnered the candidacy was for this formation, which headed the list.
The situation of the party continues its decline and is far from its brilliant emergence in 2015, where it strongly entered the main regional parliaments and sponsored municipalist candidacies that governed the city councils of Madrid, Barcelona, ??Cádiz, Zaragoza, Ferrol or A Coruña.
Currently, it has seats in the Balearic Islands, Aragon and Castilla y León, with a single deputy in each of these communities, in addition to Murcia, Extremadura, Navarra and Andalusia through respective coalition candidates, especially with IU.
